Staff Reports
James P. Pinkerton’s new Breitbart column lays out plainly what a lot of conservatives already suspect: the midterm fight has been recast as a battle over faith and national identity. Pinkerton’s piece — and the broader Republican messaging that President Donald Trump has been testing on the trail — turns the slogan “In God We Trust” into more than a motto. It’s a rallying cry against what his side calls “godless communism,” and conservatives should stop apologizing for making religion a central part of the argument.
Pinkerton’s Point: Religion Is Not a Trivial Campaign Theme
Pinkerton argues that defenders of traditional faith shouldn’t let elites pretend religion is merely private. He pushes back hard against progressive wins and left-leaning rhetoric by framing those trends as hostile to religious civics. That’s exactly what President Donald Trump has been saying on the stump — warning audiences about “hardcore, godless Communists” and pitching the midterms as a defense of faith and the national motto. Critics will call it hyperbole. Sure — but political campaigns are built on simple, blunt contrasts, and Pinkerton’s column gives conservatives a clear, unapologetic case for why faith matters in public life.
Why the “God vs. Communism” Message Lands
There’s a reason this message is being used: it energizes core voters. Rural, religious, and older voters respond when a campaign treats religion as essential to civic life. That doesn’t mean every Democrat is literally a communist — fact-checkers and analysts have rightly pointed out the label is inaccurate as literal description. Still, the label works rhetorically because it paints a vivid choice for voters who feel their values are under pressure. If Republicans want to win the midterms, they need a simple, memorable frame. “In God We Trust” versus “godless communism” is blunt, but it’s exactly the kind of language that turns out the base.
History, Law, and the Real Argument
Invoking “In God We Trust” isn’t a new stunt; it has roots in Cold War-era politics when Congress made it the national motto. Pinkerton leans on that history to remind readers that the nation has long defined itself against secular authoritarianism. Secular groups like the Freedom From Religion Foundation understandably complain about sectarian political talk. But calling for the preservation of faith in public life isn’t an attack on liberty — it’s a defense of an American tradition. The constitutional argument can be made without moral scolding: religion shaped our public culture, and voters should be allowed to make that a campaign issue without being labeled intolerant.
Conservatives should take Pinkerton’s column as a blueprint, not a provocation to cower. If Mayor Zohran Mamdani and progressive primary winners want the field, let them have it — but don’t expect quiet, academic arguments to win when the other side is selling a dramatic identity narrative. Keep the message simple, keep the faith front and center, and don’t be surprised when that clarity wins over persuadable voters who are tired of elites sneering at their beliefs. Call it what you like — patriotism, religious liberty, common sense — but don’t apologize for standing up for “In God We Trust.” The midterms are a test of whether America still values those words; Pinkerton’s column is a good reminder that conservatives mean to answer that test.
