Staff Reports
The U.S. Treasury this week hit the Sinaloa Cartel’s Los Mayos faction with a fresh round of sanctions. The Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) named 21 individuals and 25 entities it says run money-moving, protection, and political networks for the cartel. Among those named: Carlos Alberto Torres Torres — identified by OFAC as the ex‑husband of Baja California Governor Marina del Pilar.
What the Treasury actually did
OFAC’s package targets leaders, facilitators and businesses that the agency says funnel cash and shield cartel activity. The designations freeze any U.S. property tied to those on the list and bar Americans from doing business with them. The roster includes Ismael “Mayito Flaco” Zambada Sicairos, who OFAC calls the head of Los Mayos, regional plaza bosses, currency-exchange houses used for “mirror transactions,” and political operators accused of taking payments to block law enforcement.
Visa revocation and named suspects
The Treasury noted the State Department revoked Carlos Torres’s U.S. visa in May 2025, saying it was for “cartel affiliation and work on behalf of the criminal organization.” OFAC also named Torres’s brother, Luis Alfonso Torres Torres, as a local political operator tied to the Mexicali cell. Those are serious allegations, and OFAC’s move is part of a broader U.S. effort to squeeze cartel finances rather than just chase foot soldiers.
Local reaction and the political angle
Governor Marina del Pilar and Baja California officials have publicly distanced her from the people named, noting she is not on OFAC’s list and that she is legally divorced from Carlos Torres. The state says it will review whether any OFAC‑named companies hold public contracts. Torres has denied the accusations and said he will contest them. Still, the optics are ugly for Morena, a party already under scrutiny after other members faced visa revocations and related U.S. actions.
Why this matters — and what should come next
Sanctions like these can choke off the banks and services cartels use to move money across borders. Expect U.S. banks and payment processors to tighten screening and freeze accounts tied to flagged names and firms. That raises real risks for any officials or contractors who think they’re untouchable because of local power. Washington should keep pressure on corrupt networks, and Mexico must do the same — not posture. If governments won’t clean house, financial penalties will do it for them.
Call it blunt: political cover for cartels is a national security problem, not a local hobby. Treasury’s action is the right kind of blunt instrument — it targets the money, the permits, and the people who think influence buys immunity. Now we’ll see if Mexican authorities and local leaders show the courage to follow up, or if the same old explanations and denials will be all we get. Either way, the U.S. has raised the stakes, and the cartels aren’t the only ones who should be worried.
